Parents of children under 18 gave President Donald Trump lower marks in Echelon Insights polling from July to August. The movement could reflect concerns about household costs and foreign policy, but the small number of parents surveyed makes it too early to call it a firm political realignment.
Donald Trump’s approval rating has shifted among parents, according to two Echelon Insights polls conducted July 9 to 13 and August 13 to 17. The latest survey found that 40 percent of parents of children under 18 approved of Trump’s performance while 59 percent disapproved, leaving him with a -17 net approval rating.
That was more negative than the July result: 44 percent approval, 55 percent disapproval and a -11 net approval rating. The six-point decline in net approval is modest, and the parent samples were small, but it stands out because Trump’s overall numbers in the same polling moved slightly upward.
Parents moved in the wrong direction
Echelon’s August survey suggests Trump lost ground with a group often closely focused on prices, schools, safety and the broader economic outlook. A net approval rating subtracts disapproval from approval, so the August result means negative views exceeded positive ones by 17 points.

In July, the same measure among parents was negative by 11 points. Approval then stood at 44 percent, while disapproval was 55 percent. By the August 13 to 17 poll, approval had slipped four points and disapproval had risen four points.
That does not establish why attitudes changed. Polling can show a movement in opinion without proving which event, policy or concern caused it. Still, the direction is politically notable because parents are not a niche electorate; they are spread across suburban, urban and rural communities and can be especially attentive to issues that reach family budgets.
Overall numbers told a different story
The parent result came as Trump’s standing among all respondents in the Echelon polling improved slightly, though it remained negative. Overall approval rose from 38 percent in July to 40 percent in August, while disapproval fell from 61 percent to 59 percent.
That shifted Trump’s overall net approval from -23 to -19. In other words, the poll showed a four-point improvement among the full voting sample at the same time it showed a six-point deterioration among parents of children under 18.
Subgroup findings can be useful when they identify a possible pressure point that deserves monitoring. They become more persuasive when the same pattern appears across several surveys and over a longer period. One pair of polls is a signal, not a settled verdict on where parents stand.
The parent sample was limited
The biggest reason for restraint is the size of the group behind the headline. Each poll included about 1,000 voters overall, but the July survey included 247 parents of children under 18 and the August survey included 234.
Those are much smaller samples than the full poll. Once a survey is divided into demographic groups, the margin of uncertainty for each group generally grows. A shift in a subgroup can reflect a genuine change, ordinary sampling variation, differences in who responded, or a combination of those factors.
Political scientists quoted in the reporting urged readers not to overinterpret the change. Paul Kellstedt of Texas A&M University’s Bush School of Government and Public Service described the movement as not particularly large and said another random sample could produce a different result.
Grant Davis Reeher of Syracuse University made a similar point: slicing a roughly 1,000-person survey into smaller groups can yield unstable-looking results. That caveat matters as much as the topline numbers.
Economic pressure may be part of it
Costas Panagopoulos, a political science professor at Northeastern University, said parents may be particularly alert to the economic implications of Trump’s policies and to foreign-policy decisions. The reporting pointed to inflation, household costs and the war in Iran as possible concerns shaping reactions.
There is a straightforward logic to that theory. Parents often encounter price increases through recurring expenses: groceries, child care, housing, transportation, school supplies and health-related costs. Even when national economic measures improve or worsen slowly, families may judge the administration through what their own budgets can absorb.
Foreign policy can land differently, too. Reeher suggested that voters with children may view the risk of war through a more personal lens, particularly if they worry about safety, military escalation or the long-term effects of a conflict.
Those are informed interpretations, not findings directly measured by the Echelon poll. The survey figures show the shift; they do not establish whether inflation, Iran, another issue or routine polling noise drove it.
Why Republicans will watch this group
Presidential approval matters beyond the White House because midterm candidates often run in the political climate created by the president. The president’s party has historically faced losses in midterm elections, and Republicans are seeking to protect narrow congressional majorities in November’s midterms.
If a softer reading among parents becomes consistent across polls, it could sharpen pressure on Republican candidates in districts where family households are numerous and competitive. Democrats, meanwhile, will try to connect concerns about affordability and national security to a broader case against Trump’s agenda.
The White House has rejected the premise that lower approval polling defines the administration’s political standing. Spokesman Davis Ingle previously said voters gave Trump a mandate to pursue what the administration calls a popular, commonsense agenda, citing efforts on jobs, inflation and housing affordability.
For now, the clearest takeaway is narrower than the politics around it: Echelon Insights found Trump’s approval rating among parents became more negative between its July and August polls. Whether that is the start of a durable shift will depend on larger samples and whether future surveys reproduce the result.











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