The dispute puts a hard deadline on a long-running clash between New York’s immigration protections and local cooperation with federal immigration authorities. It also raises practical questions for sheriffs, immigrant families and federal enforcement efforts.
New York Gov. Kathy Hochul gave New York sheriffs an ultimatum over their agreements with ICE, directing agencies to unwind noncompliant 287(g) arrangements that let local officers perform certain immigration-enforcement functions under U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement oversight. Twelve New York law-enforcement agencies were notified; five said they intended to comply, while seven remaining agencies had 11 days to formally unwind their agreements.
Agencies that fail to comply may face legal action. The confrontation matters because it puts local sheriffs between a federal immigration-enforcement partnership and a state prohibition on formal agreements with ICE.
Hochul’s deadline targets formal deals
Hochul announced the directive during an immigration-focused appearance with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani and state Attorney General Letitia James. Her administration says New York law bars law-enforcement agencies from entering formal agreements with ICE.

The governor’s message was direct: counties and local agencies cannot maintain arrangements that state officials believe violate that law. The administration’s public transcript described an initial 13-day window to formally unwind agreements; the reported seven agencies had 11 days remaining when the ultimatum was reported.
That distinction is worth noting. The core order is not a new statewide ban announced from scratch. It is the state’s effort to enforce a law Hochul says New York has already enacted, using a deadline and the prospect of litigation to press agencies into compliance.
What a 287(g) agreement does
The agreements at the center of the dispute are commonly known as 287(g) agreements, named for a section of federal immigration law. They allow ICE to delegate limited immigration-enforcement functions to participating state or local officers after training and under federal supervision.
In practice, the arrangements can vary. Some focus on jail settings, where local officials may help identify people in custody whom ICE could seek to take into immigration detention. Other models can involve officers working more directly with ICE outside a jail environment.
Supporters say these partnerships improve coordination with federal authorities and can help remove people accused or convicted of serious crimes. Critics argue they blur the line between local policing and federal immigration enforcement, discourage immigrant residents from reporting crimes or cooperating with investigators, and can sweep in people with no criminal conviction.
Hochul’s announcement focuses on the formal relationship itself. Her position is that New York local agencies cannot make those ICE agreements even if local officials view the partnership as useful.
Five agencies signal compliance
Of the 12 agencies contacted by the state, five indicated they planned to comply with state law, according to the reported figures. The remaining seven were given the deadline to formally unwind their agreements.
The available information does not fully spell out how each agency plans to respond, whether every agreement has the same terms, or whether local officials will challenge the state’s interpretation. Those details could determine how quickly the dispute moves from a warning into court.
Ending a formal agreement also does not necessarily answer every question about day-to-day contact between sheriffs and federal officials. Local agencies can still encounter ICE requests, immigration detainers or federal agents seeking access to people in custody. The immediate fight is over formal delegated-enforcement agreements, not necessarily every form of communication with the federal government.
Legal action is the enforcement lever
Hochul said agencies that do not comply will face legal action. That places Attorney General James and the state’s legal apparatus at the center of the next phase, should any sheriff or county refuse to terminate an agreement.
A lawsuit could test the scope of New York’s law, the authority of the state to regulate locally elected sheriffs and the degree to which federal immigration law affects those limits. It could also force a closer review of what each local agreement requires and whether an agency has actually ended its participation.
Federal law gives ICE authority to operate immigration-enforcement programs, but states retain broad authority over their own agencies and subdivisions. The likely legal question is not whether ICE can exist or enforce federal law in New York. It is whether New York can direct its local agencies not to formally assist through these particular contracts.
That is a meaningful difference. A court battle may turn less on broad rhetoric about immigration and more on the wording of state law, county authority and the specific obligations created by each 287(g) agreement.
The clash reflects competing policing views
Hochul framed the action as part of a broader response to what she called aggressive federal immigration enforcement. At the same event, she announced $7.25 million in legal-services funding for about 1,400 unaccompanied immigrant children and young people facing active removal proceedings in New York.
Her administration argues that separating local law enforcement from federal immigration enforcement helps preserve trust, particularly among residents who may fear that calling police could expose them or relatives to immigration consequences. That argument has been central to sanctuary-style policies across the country.
Sheriffs and other officials who favor cooperation with ICE often make a different case. They argue that access to federal immigration information and detention processes can strengthen public safety, especially when a person in local custody has been accused of a serious offense.
The two positions are not simply arguments about paperwork. They reflect different ideas about what local policing should prioritize: building broad community cooperation, or maximizing coordination with federal enforcement authorities when immigration status enters the picture.
What happens after the 11 days
The next immediate marker is whether the seven agencies submit evidence that their arrangements have been terminated or otherwise unwound. If they do, Hochul’s directive may resolve without a courtroom showdown.
If one or more agencies resist, New York could seek judicial enforcement, and the public would get a clearer account of which counties remain involved, what their agreements cover and how the state intends to apply its prohibition.
For now, the deadline makes Hochul’s position unmistakable: local agencies may continue to perform their ordinary public-safety duties, but the governor says New York will not permit them to take on formal ICE enforcement roles through 287(g) agreements. Whether that line holds will depend on the response from the seven agencies—and, potentially, the courts.











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